Trump says he will join with multiple countries to dispatch warships to ensure the safety of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz.

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As the US-Iran war has lasted for over two weeks, the Strait of Hormuz has been blocked by Iran, global oil prices have surged sharply, and Trump is actively seeking to forge a multinational naval alliance to forcibly reopen this critical waterway, which carries about 20% of the world’s oil supply.

According to CCTV News, on March 14 local time, US President Trump posted on his social media, stating that many countries, especially those affected by Iran’s attempt to close the Strait of Hormuz, will send warships alongside the US to ensure the strait remains open and safe. Trump said the US would carry out heavy bombardments on relevant coastlines and continue to strike Iranian ships and vessels. Trump stated that, in any case, the US will soon make the Strait of Hormuz “reopen, become safe, and achieve free passage.”

Trump also specifically hoped that France, Japan, South Korea, the UK, and other countries would send warships to the Strait of Hormuz. The UK Ministry of Defence immediately responded that it is consulting allies on “a range of options to ensure shipping safety in the region.” The Iranian side clearly stated it would continue to block the strait and warned that any tankers heading to the US, Israel, or their partners would be legitimate targets for attack.

According to UK Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO) data, since war broke out on February 28, 16 vessels in and around the strait have been attacked, causing global oil prices to rise significantly; currently even the US Navy itself has not provided escorts for transiting oil tankers.

Japan faces constitutional dilemma, Takashi under pressure before White House visit

Among the countries Trump named, Japan is in the most complex position. According to the Financial Times, Japan has advanced minesweepers that could help clear mines blocking US naval escorts, but its pacifist constitution severely limits overseas military actions.

According to the constitution, Japan cannot intervene in conflicts while war is ongoing. Only after the war formally ends can the mines laid by Iran be officially categorized as “abandoned objects,” giving Japan a legal basis to intervene in minesweeping. Takashi Sanae admitted on Thursday that it is hard to judge the exact time when mines shift from “weapons of war” to “abandoned objects,” and stated that Tokyo is “not considering” dispatching military assets to the area as a preparatory step for minesweeping.

Former Pentagon and CIA Japan Affairs expert Christopher Johnstone said Trump’s public request will put Takashi in an “extremely difficult position.” “This is a highly risky decision and could place Japanese naval ships in danger,” Johnstone said. He also noted that a 2015 revision of Japanese law seems to provide a legal basis for such actions, “Given Japan’s high dependence on Middle East oil, Takashi will find it hard to say ‘no.’”

Dennis Wilder, former Bush Administration White House Senior Adviser for Asian Affairs, calls the current situation a “real test” for Takashi’s political ambition to “make Japan a world military power.” He noted that, compared to PM Junichiro Koizumi’s 2004 troop deployment to Iraq at President Bush’s request—which was for reconstruction and humanitarian aid—the nature of this deployment is entirely different: Japan’s Self-Defense Forces will have to be prepared for combat operations.

South Korea, UK, and France have their own calculations, allies respond with differences

South Korea does not have the same constitutional restrictions as Japan but also faces a dilemma. Refusing the request from the US, South Korea’s security guarantor, would be politically costly, while participating in a US-led operation linked to conflict with Iran could trigger domestic opposition. Seoul has previously sent naval forces to the Middle East, but only for clearly defined missions. According to the Financial Times, a South Korean defense official said last week that the previous deployment model would continue, but Seoul is not considering sending assets to the Strait of Hormuz.

In the UK, the Ministry of Defence’s language is cautious, saying only it is consulting allies on “a range of options to ensure maritime safety.” Liberal Democrat leader Sir Ed Davey openly urged Prime Minister Starmer to “rule out deploying British warships solely because Trump requested it,” and stressed that any decisions involving troop deployments must align with UK national interests and require parliamentary approval. Currently, Britain’s only naval vessel in the region—the Type 45 destroyer “Dragon”—set sail for Cyprus last Tuesday to reinforce defenses at the Akrotiri Royal Air Force base after a drone attack.

French President Macron previously stated a willingness to send warships to the Gulf region for “purely escort missions,” but only after the “most intense phase” of the conflict ends.

Sudden shift in attitude draws attention, alliance test heats up

Notably, Trump’s active quest for allied support sharply contrasts with his public stance a week ago. Just last week, he stated clearly the US did not need Britain to send aircraft carriers and criticized PM Starmer for “wanting to join only after we have finished fighting,” telling reporters he “didn’t care” whether allies could provide more support and adding: “Isn’t it a bit late to send warships now?”

He had also criticized Starmer for not participating in the initial strikes against Iran and once refused to let the US use British bases for joint attacks, claiming that Starmer “is not Winston Churchill.” Later, Starmer approved US “defensive” strikes against Iranian missile sites from RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire and Diego Garcia Island, citing Iran’s response as a threat to the UK.

Analysts point out that whether multinational military coordination can be implemented still highly depends on each country’s domestic political and legal constraints, and Trump’s contradictory statements have made it more complicated for allies to assess his true strategic intentions.

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